By / Dec 1

WASHINGTON, D.C., Dec. 1, 2021—Brent Leatherwood, acting president of The Ethics & Religious Liberty Commission of the Southern Baptist Convention, commented on today’s U.S. Supreme Court’s oral arguments for the Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization case.

“After listening to today’s proceedings, I’m left asking a simple question: What good is precedent if it is bad? At multiple points, whether it was, for example, the faulty reasoning of Justice Harry Blackmun in his Roe opinion or the irrelevance of the viability standard, it should be abundantly clear that the precedent in the area of abortion is completely unmoored from the Constitution itself. Furthermore, it completely disregards the individual whose rights are most affected: the preborn child. That cannot continue. Denying the dignity of our most vulnerable neighbors should not be a hallmark of American jurisprudence.

“While it is difficult to predict the ultimate outcome in any case by simply listening to oral arguments, the Court has before it a once-in-a-generation opportunity to dismantle the abortion framework that has built up following the decisions in both Roe and Casey. The Court should not hesitate to do so.”

The ERLC and other pro-life organizations filed an amicus brief in the Dobbs case earlier this year. Additionally, the ERLC has created an explainer on the case.

The ERLC will host a special online event, Monday, Dec. 6 at 10:00 a.m. EST, to further discuss Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization and how the case could affect the future of the prolife movement.

By / Jun 18

On this episode, Josh, Lindsay, and Brent highlights from the SBC 2021 and the religious liberty victory in the Fulton v. City of Philadelphia Supreme Court ruling.

ERLC Content


  1. Baptist Press: WRAP-UP: SBC elects Litton, takes control of EC investigation
  2. ERLC Annual Report: ERLC: Ultrasound placements continue to expand
  3. ERLC calls Supreme Court ruling in Fulton “a decisive 9-0 win for religious freedom”
  4. Light Magazine: The Road to ROE50: The Future of the Pro-life Movement
  5. SBC funny highlights: A/C guy; Lotties; Don’t flex at me

 Connect with us on Twitter


  • Love your church: This engaging book by Tony Merida explores what church is, why it’s exciting to be a part of it, and why it’s worthy of our love and commitment. | Find out more about this book at
By / Jun 11

Close to 62 million babies are missing from our society today.1 The Roe v. Wade decision in 1973 set into motion a literal death sentence for these little girls and boys. We should mourn that tragic reality. But we must not stop there. And we haven’t. 

God has raised up a movement of Christians from all denominations and traditions, as well as other people committed to life, in order to become a voice in the public square for those robbed of their voice. We wanted to feature some of the brave individuals, families, and organizations who are boldly standing for the lives of our smallest neighbors. We hope you will be inspired by their testimonies and tireless efforts.

By / Jun 11

The pro-life movement is built on hope. From funding adoptions to supporting crisis pregnancy centers to fighting legal battles, every aspect of pro-life work is fueled by hope. And not just hope in an abstract sense—but a specific and abiding belief that each step to advance the cause of human dignity could mean the difference between life and death. 

Likewise, the pro-life vision is fueled by a belief in a future where every human life, at every stage of life, is valued, respected, and fully protected by law. 

For almost 50 years, the pro-life coalition has fought tirelessly to see the demise of the single greatest impediment to this vision: Roe v. Wade. Though it’s no longer the primary legal precedent buttressing abortion, Roe has become synonymous with on-demand abortion in American life.1It is well known that the Supreme Court’s Roe decision legalized abortions in the first, and in many cases the second trimesters of pregnancy in the United States. Lesser known is the fact that in 1992 the Court issued a decision in another case involving abortion, Planned Parenthood v. Casey, which reaffirmed Roe’s “essential holding” about a woman’s right to an abortion before viability and established a new basis from which to measure abortion restrictions known as the “undue burden” standard.  Understandably then, seeing the Supreme Court reverse Roe and related decisions on abortion has become a central aim of the pro-life agenda. To state it succinctly, an America after Roe is the future pro-lifers long for.

But are we prepared for this future?

What the end of Roe would mean

Asking the question almost seems silly. In a sense, the pro-life community has been anticipating the reversal of Roe since the decision was first handed down in 1973. And in the intervening years, that anticipation has only intensified. Those dedicated to the cause of life long for the day when elective abortion—that is, the purposeful destruction of innocent human life in the womb—no longer enjoys the protection of federal courts. Indeed, that day cannot come soon enough. But even so, there is another sense in which I fear even ardent pro-lifers remain ill-prepared. 

Should Roe fall, such a ruling would not make abortion illegal nationwide. Instead, it would merely revert the issue back to the states. And while I have no doubt that the legal dimension of the pro-life movement stands ready to continue the fight for life in the courtrooms and state legislatures across the country where elective abortions would still be legal, I am less certain about our movement’s readiness to meet the tremendous demands that would arise in those states where elective abortions would no longer be permissible.

Back in October, The New York Times estimated that the reversal of Roe would result in 22 states immediately blocking elective abortions.2 Further, recent data from the Guttmacher Institute indicates that, by itself, the end of Roe would likely result in 100,000 less abortions taking place every year.3 Those are staggering numbers to contemplate. They also represent a necessary corrective to those who insist the pro-life movement’s efforts to mount a legal challenge to Roe are misguided. In addition to stopping abortion in nearly half the Union, the end of Roe would mean the survival of 100,000 people.

Don’t miss the gravity of this: 100,000 people with DNA, bodies, and faces. One-hundred thousand future neighbors, friends, and co-workers. One-hundred thousand brothers, sisters, sons, and daughters. One-hundred thousand people. One-hundred thousand children.

But this brings us back to the point about preparation. One-hundred thousand people is a massive number, and it is only one part of the story. Immediately, we recognize that this number represents roughly the same number of mothers facing unplanned or difficult pregnancies. And in many cases, it also represents fathers and families in crisis. Who will care for them? Who will step up to serve these families and meet their needs?

The pro-life movement is more mosaic than monolith. It is made up of countless men and women from diverse backgrounds, professions, and religions. And in all 50 states, members of this movement are working in various ways to create a culture of life by meeting the needs of women and families facing crisis pregnancies and those in need of other kinds of familial assistance. This work takes many different shapes, but among the most important is the essential care provided in local pregnancy resource centers spread throughout our nation. Whether you consider yourself to be pro-life or not, you should visit one of these centers. See for yourself the kind of life-altering love on display at each one of these special places. These centers not only save lives but change people’s futures, reshape their stories, and give them hope.

More work, more opportunities

But in seeking the end of Roe, the pro-life movement is not asking for a future with less work, but so much more. Should Roe fall, the practical fallout will likewise be massive. Scores of women and families who may otherwise have turned to abortion will turn instead to pregnancy resource centers, churches, and other religious organizations in their communities for assistance and support. Faith-based adoption and foster care agencies will see a spike in the number of children they’re caring for. Needs will increase across the board—for financial support, for volunteers, for clothes and other supplies, for adoptive and foster parents, and on and on.

In many ways, the true test of the pro-life movement will not be its fervent opposition to abortion but whether its commitment to the cause of life will sustain it through something as cataclysmic as the end of Roe. And the time to prepare is now. In our churches, are we teaching a gospel-infused pro-life, whole-life ethic that not only stands against abortion but for human dignity? In our legal efforts, are we prepared to advance not just policies to stop abortion but policies to promote human flourishing and assist mothers and families welcoming new life? Are pro-lifers prepared to serve more, give more, love more, and sacrifice more to prove that our beliefs are more than words? Are we truly prepared to stand for life?

With a freshly minted conservative majority on the Supreme Court, the end of Roe appears to be attainable for the first time in decades. Obviously, there is no guarantee. But the pro-life coalition cannot afford to be caught off guard. We have worked so long and fought so hard to see that day. Indeed, it is the vision that fuels our movement. But just as we hope for a future where all of our children are safe, we must also prepare for that future so that all may know the hope upon which our movement is built.

Let us, in the name of Christ, prepare to receive all who come with open arms. May we demonstrate his love, embrace those in need, and model for them the hope that lives within us.

  • 1
    It is well known that the Supreme Court’s Roe decision legalized abortions in the first, and in many cases the second trimesters of pregnancy in the United States. Lesser known is the fact that in 1992 the Court issued a decision in another case involving abortion, Planned Parenthood v. Casey, which reaffirmed Roe’s “essential holding” about a woman’s right to an abortion before viability and established a new basis from which to measure abortion restrictions known as the “undue burden” standard. 
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By / Jun 11

In August of 2017, Iceland made headlines because children born with Down syndrome were on the decline. However, this was not the result of medical advances or treatments for the genetic condition. Rather, it was revealed that women who found out their child had a diagnosis (or possible diagnosis) of Down syndrome were almost certain to have an abortion. 

The news prompted swift reaction. Supporters of abortion saw this as a natural result of women having the right to choose what to do with their bodies and what kind of children they wished to bring into the world. But pro-life and disability advocates condemned the news and a culture that would discard children. It was but one moment in the long history of the pro-life movement—one that speaks up for those who have no voice and declares that these hidden persons possess inherent dignity and worth.

Pro-life advocacy before Roe v. Wade

Prior to the 19th century, abortion had been legal (in some instances) throughout much of the United States. Most of the early regulations were aimed at protecting women from unsafe practices, with “quickening”—when the baby could be felt moving—serving as a line for when an abortion was permitted. However, as medical technology advanced and scientists were able to see the combination of genetic material from the parents that resulted in a fertilized egg, the line moved further backward. By the early 1900s, almost every state had criminalized abortion, though this was rarely enforced

In America, we often think of the pro-life movement arising from the decision of Roe v. Wade in 1973. It is also often cast as a clear political divide, with those on the right opposing the practice and those on the left supporting it. However, as Daniel Williams has shown in his history of the pro-life movement, it has roots going back to at least the 1930s and 1940s, and there was no clear political divide.1Daniel Williams, Defending the Unborn: The Pro-Life Movement Before Roe v Wade (Oxford, UK: Oxford Unviersity Press, 2016).

At that time, Catholics (and it was primarily Catholics) were the strongest opponents of abortion on the grounds that it (along with contraception) was a violation of the official church teaching on the sanctity of human life. These Christians drew on the long tradition of Catholic social teaching and argued that care for the poor was a duty for Christians. On the basis of their theology, they found it easy to advocate for FDR’s New Deal program which created a stronger social safety net for the poor. And in the context of that moment, it was the poor, just as today, who were the most likely to receive (and suffer) from an abortion. Because of the limits on when doctors could provide abortions legally, it was common for women to obtain illegal and unsafe procedures which threatened their life.

Protestants were largely unconcerned with the cause of abortion. Though some fundamentalists opposed the practice, most evangelicals were silent on the issue. And mainline Protestants, who made up the largest section of the religious landscape at the time, were moving from apathetic to sympathetic supporters, especially in the 1960s. 

Expansion of abortion access and pro-life advocacy beyond Catholicism

In the 1960s, several states passed laws based on a revision to the legal framework proposed by the American Law Institute which allowed abortion for the physical or mental health of the mother, fetal deformity, or if the pregnancy were the result of rape, incest, or some other illegal action. Colorado was the first to pass the law, followed by North Carolina, and California (signed by then Gov. Ronald Reagan). 

In 1970, New York debated and ratified a bill that permitted abortion-on-demand up to the six-month mark. Then in 1973, the Supreme Court ruled 7 to 2 in Roe v. Wade—drawing on a 1965 ruling that found a right to privacy with regards to contraception—that a person had a right to privacy in matters of abortion and states could not restrict abortion during the first trimester, though some restrictions could be implemented in the second and third trimesters. This framework would later be discarded in the 1992 case Planned Parenthood v. Casey which found that women could have an abortion before viability, and any restriction must not cause an undue burden on the mother’s right to seek an abortion. 

Throughout this struggle, the debate was still largely a Catholic issue. No major Protestant groups were on record as opposing abortion, with only sporadic instances at the individual level. In fact, some were even supportive of the regulations at the time. The Southern Baptist Convention, the nation’s largest Protestant denomination, passed a resolution at its 1971 annual meeting affirming the sanctity of life, but also calling on Southern Baptists to work for legislation that would allow for abortion in the cases of rape, incest, fetal deformity, and the emotional, mental, and physical health of the mother. 

However, in the 1970s, with the rise of the Religious Right and the work of figures such as Paul Weyrich (a Catholic) and Jerry Falwell (a Baptist), evangelicals would mobilize on the issue and bring it into the social consciousness of the average individual. This blending of Catholic and Protestant groups marked a pivotal turning point for the movement as it breathed new life and energy into it. The Catholics had already built out an infrastructure for working against abortion, most notably the National Right to Life Committee which was started in 1968 by Monsignor James T. McHugh at the request of the National Conference of Catholic Bishops. However, Catholics had been losing the fight at almost every instance as state after state passed more liberal abortion laws. They also found themselves unable to bring in the support of others because of the anti-Catholic bias that was common in American religion at the time. 

With the support of Protestants, particularly evangelicals who were politically minded, the movement came to be a major wedge issue. Though recent scholars such as Randall Balmer have cast doubts on the claim that it was abortion which galvanized the leaders of the Religious Right, providing evidence of the late opposition to the cause, there is also substantial evidence that for many rank-and-file evangelicals, this topic captured their hearts like nothing else.2Randall Balmer, Thy Kingdom Come: How the Religious Right Distorts Faith and Threatens America (New York, NY: Basic Books, 2007). 

Through the rise of sonogram machines (and the ability to see the child in utero), as well as literature and images that showcased the brutality of the procedure, most notably the 1984 film The Silent Scream that depicted an abortion, pro-life advocates began to work to counteract the narrative that this was a matter of personal choice. Drawing on the language of the Declaration of Independence, pro-life advocates argued for a “right to life” of the unborn. Additionally, they advocated before the courts and in state legislatures and Congress for just treatment. In 1976, the movement secured the passage of the Hyde Amendment which prevents the use of federal funds for abortion. And in 1984, the Mexico City policy, enacted by President Reagan, prevented U.S. aid to foreign countries being used for abortion. 

Contemporary pro-life movement: “Womb to Tomb”

In the recent decades, the fight has largely moved to the Supreme Court and individual state houses. There has been little significant change at the federal level which has led to an increased focus on state legislation. At the state level, pro-life advocates have succeeded in passing a number of anti-abortion regulations that severely limit the practice. Some have been aimed at pushing the line of viability further and further back (such as with fetal heartbeat bills), while others have restricted access through holding abortion clinics to the same standards as other medical providers. These regulations and bills face challenges at the Supreme Court which has made the nominating process so contentious for recent appointees, with some senators questioning just how strongly the dogma of the Roman Catholic Church, which opposes abortion, bears on the judicial rulings of Catholic nominees.3Sohrab Amari, “The Dogma of Dianne Feinstein,” New York Times (September 11, 2017), 

The face of the pro-life movement has also changed in recent years. What was once a (largely) white Catholic movement has come to be increasingly characterized by religious and racial diversity. With the influx of evangelicals and charismatic groups (and even some who are atheists), the pro-life movement has become more religiously diverse. Further, Latino and African American pro-life advocates, who are overrepresented in abortion statistics, have become important members in the coalitions working for systemic change in abortion laws. 

Further, the pro-life movement has gone beyond just advocating for change to legal laws and now works to make abortion unthinkable. Through the vital work of pregnancy resource centers, churches and nonprofits provide medical care to women who would be seeking an abortion. This is a direct challenge to the work of organizations such as Planned Parenthood which profit from providing easy access to abortion for low-income and minority women. 

Additionally, the pro-life movement has, in recent years, expanded its vision from looking only at abortion to a more holistic pro-life ethic that is “womb to tomb.” While not disregarding the work that still remains to be done in advocating for the unborn, pro-life advocates have articulated a theology that recognizes the inherent dignity of individuals, no matter their race, mental capacity, or stage of development. Looking to combat all challenges to human dignity, this new pro-life movement has advocated for changes to the way immigrants and refugees are treated, opposed euthanasia and physician-assisted suicide, and advocated for reform to systemic and racial inequality, recognizing that each individual is made in the image of God.

And there is considerable evidence to show that the pro-life argument is having an effect. At every turn, there are threats (as with the recent laws passed in Virginia and New York legislatures), but the United States is growing increasingly pro-life.4Mark Weiner, “NY Senate passes historic expansion of abortion rights” (January 22, 2019),; Alexandra DeSanctis, “Virginia Bill Would Legalize Abortion Up to Birth,” National Review Online (January 29, 2019), According to the Guttmacher Institute, the rate of abortions has fallen below pre-Roe levels and continues to drop.5Guttmacher Institute, “Induced Abortions in the United States,” (September 2019), Though some of this is attributable to easier contraceptive access and decreasing rates of teen pregnancy, it is also the result of the work of the pro-life movement setting forth the dignity of the unborn for almost a century. What began with mostly Catholics alone now includes thousands from across the ideological and religious spectrum each year proclaiming the value of each person from womb to tomb.6Alexandra Desanctis, “The Pro-Life Movement You’ve Never Heard of,” National Review Online (March 19, 2020), As David French has noted, though there has been gridlock in Washington, the culture itself is becoming more pro-life.7David French, “Do Pro-Lifers Who Reject Trump Have Blood on Their Hands,” The Dispatch (August 23, 2020), One reporter estimated that almost half of the attenders at the annual March for Life in Washington, D.C., in 2010 were under the age of 30.8Robert McCartney, “Young activists adding fuel to antiabortion side” Washington Post (January 24, 2010), And with the advances of medical technology, the point of viability continues to be pushed further back as early in some cases as 22 weeks.9Matthew A. Rysavy et al., “Between-Hospital Variation in Treatment and Outcomes in Extremely Preterm Infants” The New England Journal of Medicine 372, no. 19 (May 2015), 1807-9.

In looking ahead, a post-Roe world—a major goal for the movement—would bring the cause back to the states to advance legislation. And with an end of abortion, there would undoubtedly be an increased need for the pro-life movement to show that it is not just opposed to abortion but truly cares about mother and child, from womb to tomb.

  • 1
    Daniel Williams, Defending the Unborn: The Pro-Life Movement Before Roe v Wade (Oxford, UK: Oxford Unviersity Press, 2016).
  • 2
    Randall Balmer, Thy Kingdom Come: How the Religious Right Distorts Faith and Threatens America (New York, NY: Basic Books, 2007).
  • 3
    Sohrab Amari, “The Dogma of Dianne Feinstein,” New York Times (September 11, 2017),
  • 4
    Mark Weiner, “NY Senate passes historic expansion of abortion rights” (January 22, 2019),; Alexandra DeSanctis, “Virginia Bill Would Legalize Abortion Up to Birth,” National Review Online (January 29, 2019),
  • 5
    Guttmacher Institute, “Induced Abortions in the United States,” (September 2019),
  • 6
    Alexandra Desanctis, “The Pro-Life Movement You’ve Never Heard of,” National Review Online (March 19, 2020),
  • 7
    David French, “Do Pro-Lifers Who Reject Trump Have Blood on Their Hands,” The Dispatch (August 23, 2020),
  • 8
    Robert McCartney, “Young activists adding fuel to antiabortion side” Washington Post (January 24, 2010),
  • 9
    Matthew A. Rysavy et al., “Between-Hospital Variation in Treatment and Outcomes in Extremely Preterm Infants” The New England Journal of Medicine 372, no. 19 (May 2015), 1807-9.
By / Jun 11

On January 22, 1973, the Supreme Court of the United States announced its decision in the case of Roe v. Wade, a momentous ruling which challenged a Texas statute that made it a crime to perform an abortion unless a woman’s life was in danger. The case was filed by an unmarried woman named “Jane Roe” who wanted to terminate her pregnancy. Ultimately, the court sided with Roe and eventually struck down the Texas law. 

The court claimed that the constitutional right to privacy is inclusive enough to encompass a woman’s decision whether or not to terminate her pregnancy. Tragically, Roe v. Wade has become known as the case that legalized abortion nationwide, making abortion services more accessible to women throughout the country.

January 22, 2023, will mark the 50th anniversary of the Roe v. Wade ruling, which is a significant moment for the pro-life movement. The Ethics & Religious Liberty Commission calls this moment in time “ROE50.”

My passion for pro-life advocacy 

My passion for pro-life advocacy and a holistic view of life stems from a series of personal experiences and coming to an understanding of God’s Word on this issue. I’ve considered myself pro-life for as long as I can remember, but watching my family and friends choose life and shaping my theological perspective while in seminary deeply influenced my perspective and fueled my desire to advocate for life. 

When I was in high school, a close friend confided in me that she was pregnant. To help me navigate this difficult situation, my mom took me to our local pregnancy center where I was given a pamphlet that discussed the ultimate reason we choose life for preborn babies: because they are made in the image of God. I was able to share this with my friend and continued to walk with her through her pregnancy. She was only 16, but her choice to give her baby life had a profound effect on my life. 

A few years later, a close family member, who was on a sports scholarship in college, also had an unplanned pregnancy. Her doctor encouraged her to abort her baby, saying it was likely the best option. She knew abortion was not something she was willing to consider, so she redirected her college plans and shifted her life to care for her baby. Several years later, I watched that family member have another conversation with the same doctor who suggested she abort another baby due to a genetic issue. 

I wish I had the time to tell you in detail the many other stories that influenced me—like participating in justice advocacy work, walking alongside a family member when she endured a miscarriage, hearing a friend’s adoption story, or being my grandfather’s co-medical power of attorney when he was in the final months of his life. The Lord has used all of those instances to shape my pro-life ethic and passion and move me to stand for life. 

Where we are today 

As I think about where the pro-life movement has been and where we are going, it’s important to take stock of where we are today. At present, the culture’s worldview continues to permeate every area of life, and, sadly, the church is not immune to its influence. Secular philosophies have redefined the value of life and created programming and education that not only teach a diminished view of life’s value, but desensitize society to a point where abortion is little more than a personal choice about “healthcare.” These philosophies have deeply embedded themselves in our terminology and education, training people to dissociate the actual life of a child from a decision they are making. Abortion becomes one of many options in the multitude of choices we have along life’s journey.

Today, the church needs to better understand and articulate what it means to be made in the image of God. We need to embrace and model this truth for the world, that every person, at every stage of life has intrinsic value and dignity because each one has been stamped with God’s image. We need what we think and believe to be shaped by the Word of God, not what we are taught in school or told to believe through other areas of culture. 

And we must stand for life. We must creatively and consistently proclaim that every life matters, every person is valuable, and that no one is expendable. The pro-life message is that, from womb to tomb, every person matters because every person bears the image of God. 

Where we are going 

In 2023, 50 years will have passed since Roe v. Wade made abortion a permanent fixture in American culture. Since then, tens of millions of preborn babies’ lives have been lost.1 This statistic haunts me daily. 

As an organization, the ERLC has been imagining what it could look like for the pro-life movement to develop a unified call to action ahead of this tragic milestone. We are beginning a journey that we call the Road to ROE50, which is a strategic window of opportunity to unify and accelerate effective strategies through pro-life work leading up to and following the 50th anniversary of Roe v. Wade.

As we begin this journey on the Road to ROE50, we want to raise awareness, inspire, educate, activate and mobilize the church as we work toward making abortion unthinkable in our generation. Here are a few ways we plan to achieve those goals: 

  • Broad Appeal Campaign: A campaign that affirms/reaffirms an entire lifestyle alignment with the value of life. This is a commitment to the most important aspects of pro-life philosophy and to be a part of the solution.
  • Survey: A pro-life survey that connects people with their passions, then mobilizes and moves them to action.
  • Curriculum: A curriculum and resource kit will be offered to churches in America, equipping them to stand for life by understanding what it means to be made in the image of God.
  • Tour: The Road to ROE50 Tour will hit major metropolitan cities and college campuses to advance the momentum for January 2023 and inspire thousands to engage in the pro-life mission and work.
  • Conference: The ROE50 Conference will inspire, mobilize, and activate a new generation of pro-lifers while at the same time breathing new life into the current pro-life movement. 

We believe this is a critical and pivotal time in the life of the American church. Everyone has a role to play and a way to participate in the Road to ROE50. We hope you will consider joining us on this journey.

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By / Feb 3

As we step into a new year, as well as a new administration in Washington, D.C., we want to join together to discuss this important moment in the pro-life movement. We believe that the 50th anniversary of the Roe v. Wade Supreme Court case which will occur in January of 2023 will mark a significant moment in time for the pro-life movement. We have a powerful opportunity now to begin 2021 discussing the future of the pro-life movement and begin casting a vision for the next three years—what we are calling the “Road to Roe50”.

This panel first aired during the ERLC’s Evangelicals for Life conference on Thursday, January 28, 2021.

This episode was sponsored by The Good Book Company, publisher of Being the Bad Guy by Stephen McAlpine.

Guest Biographies

Denise Harle serves as senior counsel for Alliance Defending Freedom. Denise focuses her litigation efforts on defending the First Amendment freedoms of pro-life health care professionals and pregnancy resource centers. She also works to defend pro-life legislation around the nation. Since joining ADF, Harle took the primary role in drafting the briefs to the U.S. Supreme Court in NIFLA v. Becerra, resulting in a free speech victory for California pro-life pregnancy centers.

Steven Aden serves as Chief Legal Officer and General Counsel for Americans United for Life. Aden is an experienced litigator, having appeared in court against Planned Parenthood and the abortion industry dozens of times and appointed by the attorneys general of six states to defend pro-life laws securing numerous victories.

Resources from the Conversation

By / Jan 26

Jeff, Chelsea, and Travis discuss President Biden’s first week of executive actions, both those which are praiseworthy and others which raise concern. This flurry of policy-making from the White House also shows how far we’ve strayed from the constitutional structure of our federal government.

Then, our colleague Elizabeth Graham joins the roundtable for the first time to introduce the ERLC’s Psalm 139 Project which places life-saving ultrasound machines in pregnancy care centers. The ERLC’s efforts to Stand For Life take a big step forward this year as we launch our Road to ROE50 initiative at our annual Evangelicals For Life conference.

Guest Biography

Elizabeth Graham serves as Vice President of Operations and Life Initiatives for the ERLC. She provides leadership, guidance and strategy for life and women’s initiatives and provides oversight to other strategic projects as needed. Additionally, she directs the leadership, management and operations for all ERLC events. Elizabeth is a graduate of the University of Tennessee and Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary. She is married to Richmond, and they have a son and a daughter.

Resources from the Conversation